Policy Failures of Reconstructing
Police in Iraq
One
of the key tasks of the rebuilding the state in Iraq after invasion was to
provide the security on the ground and restore piece. After the dissolution of
Saddam regime Iraq was practically in anarchy. As the army was dissolved and
former policemen were also not performing their jobs any more and population
was armed, crime on the streets started growing rapidly, as well as terrorist
attacks were creating additional insecurities.
In these circumstances Coalition Provisional
Authority (CPA) started rebuilding security sector. The process was rather a
series of mistakes and following corrections, then a streamlined policy. The
key problems, which decreased the efficiency of police reform, are the
following:
1) At the initial stages precious
time was lost
In
spring 2003 the need to restore order in Bagdad became evident. But it looked
like that this finding was a surprise for CPA. RAND report cites news of that
time: “On April 12, the Washington Post reported that US Marines were not
endowed with ‘policing authority’ and could only detain individuals directly
hostile to US forces. The following day, the New York times reported that
policing the streets and restoring law and order had become the priority of the
Marines in Bagdad” (N. Bensahel et al, 2008).
But policing is different from military services and troops were not prepared
to perform civilian functions. The absence of police led to the self
organization of local population, for instance Shi’ite community organized
civilian and military patrols, who created check points on the streets of
Bagdad. Simultaneously US sent additional troops and extra civilian affairs
units as well as launch of recruiting for local police. The structures
functioned without coordination, which created more mess then order.
As
US administration faced immediate international criticism, negative
publications in domestic media and growing insecurity in Bagdad, the following
decisions on restoring police services were hectic and not well thought
through. CPA distributed stipends to former police officers to motivate them to
return to the jobs. MOI tried to apply de-Ba’athification to policemen, but due
to the time constraints the only source of information used for this was
reports of former colleagues, which later proved to be not extremely reliable
source of information. At the end, as RAND report states: “Many of those who
returned to work in response to the call from coalition forces would prove
problematic for reasons well beyond ties to the Ba’ath Party” (N. Bensahel et al, 2008)
2)
Failure to create transparent and
efficient Ministry of Interior
Unlike
Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Interior was not dissolved after invasion. MOI
was responsible for police, border police, facilities protection service, civil
intervention protection service and the emergency response unit. De-Ba’athification
was conducted in the Ministry, but the majority of officers preserved their
places. Newly appointed US senior adviser to the MOI had almost no knowledge on
Iraq, coming from previous service in Kuwait. Even more importantly, he had no
experience with police restoration in post-conflict environments and no
experience of work with international institutions supporting police training (N. Bensahel et al, 2008). MOI officers
lacked capacity. Two major conflicting tasks were to establish peace and
security on the streets of Bagdad and to define long term domestic security
strategy. As the Ministry lacked qualified personnel, even those advisers,
which had extensive experience with developing police service, were stuck with
fire fighting and spent more time out policing on the streets then working on
strategic tasks.
According
to ICG, 2010 the key threat, which CPA saw when reforming the ministry of
Interior was falling of Iraqi police under the command of one political party,
or ethnic group. To exclude such possibility, multiple structures and command centers
were created (ICG, 2010). This policy solution failed. After the first election
in 2005 new appointed Minister of Interior Jawad al-Bolani, being Shia and
connected to Shia militia groups, appointing regional representatives of MOI
terminated all Kurds and replaced them with Shia (L. D. Allen, 2007). American advisers managed
to reverse this particular policy, but the example shows that there were no
institutional checks to balance ethnicity issues in the governmental
institutions.
Another
institutional problem faced by the police was the absence of updated legal
framework. Iraqi civil and penal code was not applicable in new realities,
moreover the very idea of the abiding the law had to be reintroduced to the
society.
3) Poor training of policemen
All newly recruited policemen had to go through 3 weeks training
program. First obvious negative outcome was that those who had extensive
experience were humiliated by the fact that they were put in the same
conditions with inexperienced newcomers. But it was not the only problem.
Comprehensive training existed only on paper.
As RAND report mentions: “From 90000 policemen by June 2004 only 21 000
was trained, but quality of even this training varied. Some officers received
classroom and field training, some only part of that, training for some lasted
only for three days” (N.
Bensahel et al, 2008).
Besides these problems of implementation, the problems with
overall strategy ad approach existed. Police training program was supervised
both by the Department of Defense and Department of State. Unfortunately the
two agencies had conflicting goals. Vision of the Department of Defense implied
that the police can be involved in military efforts and thus has to be trained
accordingly. Department of State gave priority to conventional civilian
functions of the police. Practical behavior of policemen in each strategy
differs greatly. For instance if military should keep distance from community
and be trained for quick anti insurgency operation, policemen are imbedded into
community and should communicate with locals to know about the pending issues,
be trusted and be ready to help. L. D. Allen gives the following example: “The
military conducts a foot patrol with the Iraqi police and assumes the military
posture. They do not talk and they walk from the starting point to the finish
point. The American civilian police advisers, when conducting a foot patrol
with the Iraqi police, take the approach of community policing. The concept
requires Iraqi police to make frequent stops and visit with the public” (L. D. Allen, 2007: 30) Besides different approaches two Departments launched
two parallel hiring processes and it ended up with civilian policemen
subordinated to military.
4)
Lack of understanding of the challenges
a policeman faces on the ground
In
a rash of recruitment and training it seems that CPA forgot to think what does
it take for Iraqi to be a policeman during occupation regime. Police officers
were the primary targets of terrorist attacks. It is clear that choosing local
policeman as the target made perfect sense for insurgents: locals were not as
protected as internationals; punishing Iraqis who cooperate with Americans
should have been a good lesson for local population. Americans clearly failed
to respond to this. Volunteers wanting to apply for the job had to stand in
lines on the street in front of office and often became targets of shelling, or
bomb explosion. Iraqi policemen had to invent security measures themselves and
what they came up with was working in 24 hours shifts (and then falling asleep
at the work place and being killed), or shifting numerous taxis to complicate
the task if somebody was tracing their way home. It is not clear whether US
commanders realize the level of threat Iraqi policemen were facing. The ideas
like creation of public award for the best service in times when Iraqi
policeman often wore mask not to be recognized during the work hours, says that
probably not.
5) Failure to address ethnic
peculiarities
CPA
was trying to address the issues of ethnicity during recruitment process asking
candidates to specify ethnicity in the application form. But it was definitely
not enough. Coalition forces were not ready to such issues as the fact that
Sunni trainer cannot teach Shia class; particular units of police would refuse
to patrol Shia triangle, etc. As Larry D. Allen recalls: “It was impossible to
send a Sunni police officer into a Shia neighborhood and expect him to enforce
the law…. One’s ethnic background heavily influences each individual Iraqi
police officer. There is an unbalanced loyalty between the government and
religion. The fact is the Islamic clergy have more influence over the
individual then the government leaders. There are numerous documented incidents
of the police assuming passive posture in the face of sectarian violence” (L. D. Allen, 2007: 21). CPA
also failed to prevent creation of local ethnicity based militias, which were
efficient, but uncontrolled forces. In particular, Kurdish parties (KDP, PUK)
created their own militias and refused to dismantle them. There was the reason
– local militias were able to provide safety and US did not really have something
to offer as substitution. Shiites created their own militia – Mahdi’s Army, the
major task of which is to protect religious leaders and objects of cult. Another
prominent example is Sons of Iraq, which managed to change security situation in Anbar
“with monthly attacks dropping from some 1,350 in October 2006 to just over 200
in August 2007” (M. Wilbanks, E. Karsh, 2010) In the effort to incorporate various militias into
formal structure the Coalition forces came up with the idea to create elite Iraqi
unit from Kurdish peshmerga and Badr Brigades and incorporate a part of Sons of
Iraq into the body of MOI. Predictably this idea raised fierce opposition of
other Iraqi organizations, in particular representatives of Sunni tribes.
Conclusion
Policy
failures described above fall within 2 broad categories: lack of strategic
planning and lack of study and assessment of the situation on the ground. Due to the ad hoc decision making actions of
CPA and interim government were contradictory and undermined trust of locals;
quality of services was lower then it was possible to provide, newly created
institutions were distorted. Due to the lack of the knowledge of local cultural
peculiarities and traditions many policies failed to work being incompatible
with the environment.
Reference list
Larry D. Allen Resurrecting the Iraqi
Police. New York: iUniverse, 2007
Nora Bensahel et al, “After Saddam: Prewar Planning and the Occupation of Iraq”,
RAND Corporation, 2008, http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/monographs/2008/RAND_MG642.pdf
Iraq:
Building a new security structure, International Crisis Group Middle East Report N°20
Baghdad/Brussels, 2003, http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/Middle%20East%20North%20Africa/Iraq%20Syria%20Lebanon/Iraq/Iraq%20Building%20a%20New%20Security%20Structure.pdf
Loose Ends: Iraq’s Security
Forces Between U.S. Drawdown and Withdrawal, International Crisis Group, Baghdad/Washington/Brussels,
2010, http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/Middle%20East%20North%20Africa/Iraq%20Syria%20Lebanon/Iraq/99%20Loose%20Ends%20-%20Iraqs%20Security%20Forces%20between%20US%20Drawdown%20and%20Withdrawal.pdf
Mark Wilbanks, Efraim Karsh “How the ‘Sons of Iraq’
Stabilized Iraq’, Middle East Quarterly, Fall 2010,
pp. 57-70 - http://www.meforum.org/meq/pdfs/2788.pdf
Nataliya
Novakova
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